1.
Ideology and Methods
1.
We are Marxists. We believe that the legacy of
classical Marxism in all of its main instances adequately reflects social
processes that are occurring in the modern world. Nowadays, we can observe that
Marxism is consigned to oblivion in the societal consciousness due to the quite
specific historical events and is quite adequately described within the
framework of the categorical apparatus of Marxism itself. A correct approach to
the societal phenomena is not possible without using the methods of historical materialism,
basis dialectics and superstructure, the theory of proletarian revolution and
proletarian internationalism.
2.
Marxism-Leninism, which explained the capitalist
states’ transition into the stage of imperialism, has become the legitimate
transformation and vulgarization of Marx and Engels’s Marxism. Nowadays, the
legitimate transformation and vulgarization of Lenin and Stalin’s Marxism has
taken shape of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. It considers the superstructure as a
factor on which, at the end of the day, the success behind the construction of
socialism will depend.
«Representatives
of the bourgeoisie that sneak into the Party, the government, the Army and the
cultural circles are a batch of counterrevolutionary revisionists who will
seize political power and turn the proletariat dictatorship into bourgeois
dictatorship once the opportunity ripens». Mao
Tse-tung
Historical
Questions
1. We believe that socialism,
which politically may only be a dictatorship of the working people under the
leadership of the proletariat, is the necessary path toward a communist world –
a world without inequalities and totalitarian regimes. We consider Soviet
Russia and USSR in the time of V. I. Lenin and I.V. Stalin (1917-1953) and
China during the time of Mao Tse-tung (1949-1976) to be the role models for the
execution of such a dictatorship.
2. As Maoists, we believe that
class struggle between the bourgeoisie and proletariat continues will continue
in a different form and under socialism, its principal arena will be the communist
party, which will have a leading position in the construction of socialism.
Stalin’s death in 1953 and Mao’s death in 1976 became historical borders after
which, the victory of bourgeois elements over the proletarian ones inside the
KPSS and the CPC became ever more indisputable. This has eventually led to the
acknowledgement of state capitalism and the regeneration of both countries into
social-imperialist regimes.
3. This is the source of the
unconditional reactionary character of the USSR’s restoration slogans. It may
be that the peoples that inhabit its former territory, after each one of them
will commit a socialist revolution, will raise the question of creating some
sort of a transnational union; however, we cannot predict neither the date, nor
the shape nor the character of such a union.
3.
Modern World
1. Today’s world appears to us
divided in three groups of countries: 1) The countries of the metropolis (USA,
Western Europe, Japan, etc.); 2) Relatively rich countries and/or those with a
large military/industrial potential, which occupy an intermediate position
(Russia is included among them); 3) Third world countries that are being
exploited by the countries of the previous two groups (the majority of ex-USSR
republics fall into this category).
2. The revolutionary role of
the proletariat in each of the mentioned groups of countries is different:
1. In the countries of the
metropolis, the working class is being won over by the imperialists at the
expense of the surplus profit stemming from the exploitation of Third World
countries and at this point in time cannot be viewed as a revolutionary force.
We are to regard as the main contradiction of this given group the national contradiction;
as the main revolutionary forces – the oppressed minority of the working class,
which, as a rule, does not belong to the historically-dominant nation (ex.
foreign workers) alongside the revolutionary intelligentsia.
2. In the countries that occupy
an intermediate position between the Metropolis and the Third World, the main
force of the socialist revolution is the proletariat and the main contradiction
at this point in time continues to be the class contradiction. However, in
favour of the two-faced socio-economic character of these countries, the
proletariat here is infected with a national and chauvinistic ideology as well
as with reformist illusions. In this case, the main ally of the proletariat in
its class struggle is the revolutionary petty bourgeoisie.
3.
In the Third World countries, the struggle of the
proletariat for its rights is inseparable from these countries’ struggle for an
authentic national independence. Here, the natural ally of the proletariat is
the small and significant part of the national bourgeoisie. In many cases, the
nearest and immediate goal of the proletariat’s struggle in these countries is
not a socialist revolution, but rather the bourgeois-democratic revolution. Its main method is the strategy of people’s war.
4.
Strategy and Tactics
1. We believe that correct
tactics result from a correct strategy, which, in turn, results from a correct
ideological and political line. We believe that the struggle against
imperialism, capitalism and patriarchy goes hand in hand with the struggle
against revisionism, chauvinism and opportunism.
2. Our goal is to carry out a
socialist revolution and the transition to the construction of communism as a
society in which the oppression of any given social group by any other one –
whether class, national or sexual – would be impossible.
3. The driving force of such a
revolution is the working class and the conductor is the vanguard disciplined
revolutionary communist party. A party with a system of democratic centralism,
which includes in itself organisation, leadership, discipline and hierarchy.
4. We believe that the ruling
bourgeoisie will never give away its power without a fight. Putting an end to
bourgeois dictatorship is possible only through the formation of a public
opinion in favour of the seizure of power by means of an armed struggle.
However, we believe that any armed movement on Russia’s territory will be
inevitably suppressed as long as the objective conditions for its mass support
by the potentially revolutionary layers of the population will not be met.
5. The creation of a vanguard
disciplined revolutionary communist party on Russia’s territory, led by the
theory of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism is impeded by the objective historical
conditions caused by the long dominion of revisionist khruschev-brezhnevite
social imperialism.
A. For the post-soviet Russian
proletariat, the main consequence of this dominion has become the oblivion of
not only the traditions of mass revolutionary struggle, but also the basic
self-organisation skills, readiness to defend one’s own rights, libertarian and
self-management aspirations. Modern Russia’s working class is isolated, passive
and apolitical. Overcoming such a situation will take a long time.
B. The inability of the modern
Russian ‘communist movement’ to develop a correct ideological and political
line is conditioned by its ideological, organizational and cadre-oriented
continuity inherited from the revisionist KPSS khruschev-brezhnevite period. The
heaviest legacy of KPSS inside the Russian communist movement are deformed
phenomena such as chauvinism, xenophobia, anti-democratism, the overcoming of
which is not possible without the rebirth of revolutionary traditions of the
working class.
6. We consider our main
tactical task to be the propaganda of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and revolutionary
campaigning among the proletariat and the intelligentsia.
Note: It must be taken into consideration that
modern Marxism-Leninism-Maoism is unthinkable without handling the questions of
national liberation (the unconditional recognition of the rights of nations for
self-determination); sexism and patriarchy (struggle for the rights of women
and sexual minorities); bourgeois democracy (the demand of maximum bourgeois
rights and liberties, declared, but in most cases not respected by the state);
ecology (the stop to the chemical exploitation of nature by any modern state is
only possible after the victory of the socialist revolution).
¡Long live the great proletarian red banner of the
ideas of Mao Tse-tung!
¡The proletariat and the oppressed peoples of all
countries, unite!
This
document is the (preliminary) program of the Russian Maoist Party (RPM).
Publicado por Izquierda de Rusia
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